全文获取类型
收费全文 | 77篇 |
免费 | 9篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 5篇 |
工人农民 | 1篇 |
世界政治 | 17篇 |
外交国际关系 | 9篇 |
法律 | 34篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 19篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 5篇 |
2019年 | 2篇 |
2018年 | 2篇 |
2017年 | 10篇 |
2016年 | 4篇 |
2015年 | 10篇 |
2014年 | 1篇 |
2013年 | 10篇 |
2012年 | 7篇 |
2011年 | 8篇 |
2010年 | 5篇 |
2009年 | 4篇 |
2008年 | 1篇 |
2007年 | 3篇 |
2006年 | 1篇 |
2005年 | 1篇 |
2004年 | 3篇 |
2003年 | 2篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有86条查询结果,搜索用时 14 毫秒
21.
Murat Onder 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2020,43(4):283-293
ABSTRACTThe relationships between economic growth and planning strategies have been debated in different disciplines of social science. However, the emphasis has been more on structural and theoretical assumptions of planning and economics at the expense of other important non-economic and institutional factors that include social, cultural, political, and administrative dimensions. To explain the different approaches and outcomes of development planning, one needs to examine other factors that influence the nature of these plans and why they have been adopted. Using rigorous systematic and thematic review of government reports, academic publications and data from international organizations, this comparative study reveal the unique role non-economic factors play in countries’ development. It has been revealed that these factors not only influence the nature of planning strategies adopted by governments but also affect how these plans are implemented. Since South Korea and Turkey have achieved impressive economic growth over the last half a century, they have been selected as a case study to examine the role non-economic factors in their respective developments. 相似文献
22.
T. Murat Yildirim 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2020,45(1):101-130
The introduction of legislative television as a transparency initiative has been welcomed in an increasing number of democracies. The impact of television cameras on parliamentary behavior, however, has received scant attention in systems where personal vote-earning attributes are thought to be of little importance (e.g., closed-list proportional representation). Additionally, studies examining this relationship relied exclusively on over-time variation in legislative behavior (i.e., before and after the introduction of television into parliament), which arguably has important deficiencies in demonstrating the true effect of legislative television. Capitalizing on a unique quasi-experimental setting, the present study aims to close these gaps in the literature by analyzing parliamentary activities in Turkey, where the legislative television was restricted to 3 days per week (Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday) in 2011 after almost two decades of continuous 7-day operation. Results based on original data sets of parliamentary activities from the pre- and postreform periods (2009–11 and 2011–13) indicate that the varying presence of television cameras exacerbated the effect of electoral and reputation-building motivations on parliamentary behavior, encouraging electorally unsafe and junior MPs to shift their constituency focus to the televised proceedings. The results offer important implications for the study of legislative transparency and constituency representation in party-list proportional representation systems. 相似文献
23.
24.
25.
26.
Murat C. Mungan 《International Review of Law and Economics》2011,31(4):249-255
Sanctions for regulation violations are used to deter conduct which could potentially result in great social harms. This practice over-deters low-risk entities and under-deters high-risk entities, which leads to social losses. This paper analyzes whether and how such social losses can be mitigated. I show that this can be achieved by allowing regulatees to purchase passes exempting them from regulations at appropriate prices, although they remain liable for any harm they cause. 相似文献
27.
28.
The focus of this article is two-pronged. First, it highlights China’s ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) initiative as a Eurasia-centred project that, distinct from the twentieth-century Eurasianism, aims to introduce a new comprehensive integrationist agenda to the Eurasian strategic landscape. Second, it compares the US-led Euro-Atlanticism and the emerging Eurasianism, holding that while the former has historically stressed security over development (development is seen as contingent on the establishment of a hard security regime), the latter prioritises development over security (security is viewed as contingent on the establishment of an inclusive economic regime). Thus, this research argues that, if implemented successfully, OBOR could challenge Euro-Atlanticism as the long-held normative paradigm of interstate relations by offering a systemic alternative. 相似文献
29.
Murat Somer 《Democratization》2017,24(6):1025-1043
What do we learn from Turkey and Tunisia regarding the relationship between political Islamism and democratization? Variables identified by current research such as autonomy, “moderation”, and cooperation with secular actors can cut both ways depending on various political-institutional conditions and prerogatives. Particularly, the article argues that preoccupation with “conquering the state from within as opposed to democratizing it” has been a key priority and intervening variable undermining the democratizing potential of the main Turkish and Tunisian political Islamic actors – primarily the AKP and Ennahda. These actors have prioritized acceptance by and ownership of their respective nation states over other goals and strategies, such as revolutionary takeover or Islamization of the state and confrontations with state elites. This has led to a relative neglect of designing and building institutions, whether for Islamic or democratic transformation. Hence, while contributing to democratization at various stages, these actors have a predisposition to adopt and regenerate, reframe and at times augment the authoritarian properties of their states. Research should ask how secular and religious actors can agree on institutions of vertical and horizontal state accountability that would help to address the past and present sources of the interest of political Islamists in conquering rather than democratizing the state. 相似文献
30.
Riza Yilmaz M.D. Eyyüp Yilmaz M.D. Veli Ozdemir M.D. Muhammet Can M.D. Isil Pakis M.D. Ibrahim E. Piskin M.D. Halis Dokgoz M.D. Erdal Ozer M.D. Kemal V. Numanoglu M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2015,60(3):648-652
Yellow phosphorus (YP) is a powerful protoplasmic poison used in the manufacturing of matches, pest poisons, firecrackers, firework cracker, lights for watches, military ammunition, and agriculture fertilizer. YP is extremely flammable and toxic and easily absorbed from the gastrointestinal tract. In this study, we examined childhood deaths from 1997 to 2012 resulting from the ingestion of firecrackers. The patients ranged from 2 to 15 years of age and were admitted to the hospital with a variety of symptoms. Those that presented with nausea, vomiting, and hypotension rapidly deteriorated and entered a coma. An autopsy was performed in all but one of the 16 cases reviewed. Macroscopically, the livers had a yellowish discoloration with petechial bleeding. Histopathologic examination revealed acute toxic hepatitis. In conclusion, these firecrackers are found in corner shops throughout Turkey, may cause death in children with little warning, and should be banned to prevent further deaths. 相似文献